A Double Tranistion to Peace and Neo-liberalism?

Earlier this week I attended the launch of a booklet on Northern Ireland’s alleged ‘double transition’ to peace and neoliberalism (the ideology that society should be modelled on the market).

The crux of the argument is that despite being sold as the basis of peace, neoliberalism actually carries “dangers for social stability”. However the author could be clearer as to how these dangers to stability are, or will be, manifest in Northern Ireland, and why stability should be the benchmark by which the success of a society is measured.

In any case if one accepts the premise that neoliberalism underpinned the peace process, then it has surely been remarkably successful in reducing the social and political instability associated with Northern Ireland’s sectarian divide. Perhaps the author is reluctant to concede that neoliberalism might be credited with any perceived achievements, but emotions should not be allowed to undermine objective analysis.

The heart ruling the head also seems to be evident in the way that neoliberalism is represented as something imposed by political and business ‘elites’ on, and against the wishes of, the general public. It is claimed in the booklet that “the concerns of the wider population” with privatisation have been “waved away” by politicians. Yet the Right to Buy scheme, one of the main ways in which housing was privatised, was very popular - not least among people on lower incomes. This belief in the unpopularity of neoliberalism may help to raise morale, but it means that the ways in which its ideas and policies are popularised – central to serious engagement with this topic - are neglected.

Much of the booklet is concerned with familiar criticisms of private finance initiatives (PFI), the call to reduce corporation tax, and the privatisation of housing. If these are included as evidence of Northern Ireland’s conversion to neoliberal ideology the case is far from convincing. PFI is described as an ideological initiative, but one of its main attractions is actually the political convenience of keeping debt off the public books. Lower corporation tax was opposed by Lord Varney, who is described as having the “same” neoliberal “ideological bend” as “Northern Ireland’s political and business class” and its merits were queried by PriceWaterhouseCoopers, which according to the author is part of neoliberalism’s “standing army”.

The Housing Executive only turned to the use of private finance (via housing associations) reluctantly, in the absence of sufficient government funding or the option to borrow itself. Perhaps the distinction between neoliberal ideology and market-orientated policies could be clearer.

There is a trend towards more market-based discourses and policies in Northern Ireland, the link with global developments does merit attention, and the implications certainly deserve scrutiny and critique. But it is important that complex, local, events are not read off from a simplistic grand narrative which fails to engage sufficiently in the detail of real life in Northern Ireland. A more productive discussion might also be created if the tone and language of such analysis is pitched at a wider audience than the converted.

The opinions, views or comments in this article do not necessarily reflect any views or policies of NICVA.

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